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Australia, Canada Join U.S. and Puppet Reefs in Backing Israel-centric Agenda

By Ian Williams

Washington Report, January/February 2006, pages 28-29 

United Nations Report 

Australia, Canada Join U.S. and Puppet Reefs in Backing Israel-centric Agenda
By Ian Williams
  
An UNRWA official shows EU Commissioner Louis Michel (c) homes in the Gaza Strip’s Rafah refugee camp destroyed by the Israeli military. In Gaza City earlier that day, Nov. 30, Michel signed an agreement with UNRWA pledging 14 million euros to help the U.N. relief agency provide food, shelter and other emergency assistance to Palestinian refugees (AFP photo/Said Khatib).  
    
AS THE end of the U.N.’s 60th anniversary loomed, it was déjà vu all over again in New York. After a few years in which the United States had broken with recent tradition and actually paid its dues, things were back to normal, with threats of withholding from John Bolton and his soul-mate, Rep. Henry Hyde (R-IL)-who does such good imitations of his alter ego, Dr. Jekyll.

And underlying everything-again-was the issue of the Palestinians. The original excuse for holding off payments was Washington’s refusal to fund the U.N.’s Palestinian programs, and now it is prominent on the agenda again. Looming in the congressional backwoods is the attempt to defund UNRWA, now that it has done its job of paying the welfare and education costs that, under the Geneva Convention, Israel should have borne when it was occupying Gaza, instead of turning it into a self-governing prison camp. 

It is a measure of how battered the world community is that someone with as much blood on his hands as Ariel Sharon, with more forks in his tongue than a banquet table setting, should get so much international support. It was one thing for the few coral atolls paid for by the Congress to back the U.S. and Israel on General Assembly resolutions, but recent resolutions on the Palestinian programs revealed that Australia and Canada have been suborned into voting with Israel, while the European Union and associated states-a very significant bloc-abstains, mostly to avoid upsetting Washington. Sadly, upsetting Washington is the price a country pays for having a rational mind and foreign policy of its own.

Among the resolutions abstained on was one on the Golan Heights. The excuse given was that, “historically,” a different position had been taken by the EU’s two new members-a reference to new East European countries who recently have jumped to do what the U.S. wanted. There may even be a correlation between states which allow secret CIA prisons and those emasculating the EU position on international law in relation to the Middle East.

The U.S. and Australia, plus the usual puppet reefs, even voted against a resolution calling upon the Israelis not to appropriate the natural resources of the occupied territories, nor to destroy agricultural land and orchards. Since it was basically a restating of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the UK, on behalf of the EU, voted for the resolution. But then the U.S.-Israel bloc also voted against a resolution calling for a peaceful solution to the problem in accordance with the road map.

Washington Report readers are well aware that Ariel Sharon has ripped up the road map and used it for political toilet tissue, but we must remember that these diplomats are all swearing by it in order to avoid taking any action to force Israel to keep its promises. And then they watch its major proponents vote against it!

More Déjà Vu?
In 2002, some people thought this writer was alarmist because I said that the Bush administration had set its sights on invading Iraq. They did, of course. Vindication aside, like most people on the globe, I wish it had not happened.

Apart from the Bush rhetoric, I based my prophecy of doom on the steady attrition of leaks and briefings from the administration’s neocon corner. At least they could come up with a credible motive-taking out Iraq would be good for Israel. Apart from George W. Bush’s aside that Saddam Hussain had tried to assassinate his father, no one else really has come up with an excuse for the war that would hold water, let alone all the oil and blood that has been spilt. 

So when in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion I began to see signs of a similar move on Syria, I warned about the impending invasion. My evidence was that there were demands for it from Israel, and if ever an administration has proved to be a tail-waggable canine, then this is it. There were also the leaks and briefings: the missing weapons of mass destruction had been seen heading across the border into Syria; the insurgent jihadists had been seen heading across the border from Syria; Damascus supported Islamic fundamentalist terrorists.

At one point, George W. Bush famously even discovered that-shock, horror!-there were Ba’athists in Damascus. That the Ba’ath founder was a Christian, and that the party’s secular (albeit fascistic) programs made it a very unlikely supporter of al-Qaeda were mere technical details, quibbles from realists with no standing in faith-based circles.

True, the Syrians did support Hezbollah, whose successful long-term war of attrition against Israel had evicted the occupiers from Lebanon. This led to long-standing grudges against the  regime in Damascus, compounded by Syrian ineptitude in keeping the Shaba Farms issue hot. Of course Syria’s ambivalent attitude to Lebanon did not help either.

However, my Cassandra-like prophesy of an attack on Syria did not come to pass-yet. The casualty rate in Iraq sapped any domestic enthusiasm for it in the U.S.

Like the end of the world, however, it is only postponed, not cancelled. Looking at the intensive activity over Lebanon at the United Nations, it is highly likely that the road to Damascus now goes through Beirut.

The pattern is the same as it was over Iraq, equally aided by the ineptitude of its rulers. Now Washington has the support of the French, who for their own reasons are interested in restoring Francophiles to power in Beirut, but who seem insouciantly unaware that they may be getting taken for a ride-to Damascus.

Of course it is possible that Washington is just concerned about Lebanese independence and sovereignty in the face of Syrian occupation. The test for such altruistic support for national boundaries would, of course, be strong U.S. resolutions against the occupiers of the West Bank, Golan and Western Sahara, or even pressure on Ethiopia to honor its commitments to the settlement of the border dispute with Eritrea. 

In the absence of any such signs of concern from Washington, however, we can safely assume that regime change in Syria is indeed back on the agenda. Somewhere between Foggy Bottom and Capitol Hill, I am confident that there are planning groups working on the hypothesis that it would take hardly any troops at all to roll over Syria, and that the key to stemming the insurgency in Iraq is to do just that. All the previous excuses still apply. And, of course, a well-timed unequivocal victory in Syria-a pushover, they would say-may play well with the 2006 mid-term elections. 

Between the gullibility of other U.N. members and the stupidity of the Syrians, it may even have some degree of U.N. approval!

Equally worrying, but meeting more resistance, are the signs that Iran is getting the same treatment. And the new government there seems equally cooperative in providing plausible excuses. But we should remember what it looks like to the reality-based world. John Bolton, the U.S. ambassador, who is on the record with profound skepticism about both the United Nations and international law, wants the U.N. Security Council to take action against Iran for alleged violations of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, whose strengthening he opposed the year before. It may be worth mentioning that Iran is not in violation of the treaty-but that the U.S. and UK are, while Israel, which is pushing for action against Iran, has not even signed it.

No matter, it may not be a full-scale invasion of Iran, since even the looniest neocon may balk at that. But they do think that some sort of regime change in Tehran is effectible and that, as in Iraq (and Syria), the masses are just waiting for their oppressive regimes to be gone to declare their undying love for George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon. In Iran, of course, the masses have just ditched the reformers, who were anyway scorned and isolated by the U.S., for a hard-liner they now have to deal with. He may not be nice, but neither is George Bush. And both were elected by their faith-based constituencies.

I really do not see why we need to waste money on NASA when we have a government that is so clearly mentally in orbit, and certainly looking at another planet when it makes its plans.

Ian Williams is a free-lance journalist based at the United Nations.
 

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Home > Archives > Jan_Feb_2006 > Australia, Canada Join U.S. and Puppet Reefs in Backing Israel-centric Agenda  
American Conscientious Objector Wins Right to Appeal Refugee Board Ruling
By Faisal Kutty
  
Members of the Coalition Against Israel’s War Crimes demonstrate in Toronto Nov. 14 as part of a public rally protesting the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon (Photo Himy Syed).  
    
A FEDERAL court in Toronto has agreed to hear an appeal from an American soldier turned down for refugee status in Canada after refusing to serve in Iraq. If he is sent back to the U.S., Jeremy Hinzman faces a court martial and the possibility of up to five years in jail as a deserter. 

Hinzman joined the elite infantry division, the 82nd Airborne, about three years ago. He served in a noncombat role in Afghanistan and was later turned down by the military brass as a conscientious objector. When, on his subsequent return to the U.S., he learned that he would be deployed in Iraq, he decided to cross the border into Canada in early 2004. He is currently living in Toronto with his wife, Nga Nguyen, and son, Liam. 

The Rapid City, South Dakota native believes that the U.S. attack on Iraq is illegal under international law and that he would be a party to war crimes if he participated. 

In March 2005, Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board turned down Hinzman’s refugee claim. The former soldier’s lawyer, Jeffrey House, had argued that the 27-year-old Hinzman would be punished for acting on his conscience. 

The board, however, found that Hinzman did not qualify as a conscientious objector. The adjudicator also held that he was not convinced that the ex-soldier would face persecution in the U.S. if forced to return. The board, which has never accepted a refugee from the United States, has stated in the past that America is not a “refugee producing” country.

In denying Hinzman’s claim, the adjudicator opined that the legal status of the war in Iraq had no bearing on the case. One of the issues on which Hinzman’s appeal is based is the question of whether this decision not to consider the legality of the war amounted to an error in law.

The politically sensitive case is being closely monitored by authorities in Canada and the U.S. Indeed, the case has become the proverbial public relations “hot potato” for American authorities. At the hearing, a former U.S. Marine testifying in Hinzman’s support stated that American soldiers in Iraq routinely violated international law by killing unarmed women, children and other Iraqi civilians.

Canadian supporters say that hundreds of U.S. soldiers may be in the country and that at least 20 of them are trying to gain refugee  status. Profiles of a few of them are available online at <http://www.resisters.ca/resisters_stories.html>.

Lee Zaslofsky of the War Resisters Support Campaign called the federal court ruling a “real breakthrough” for U.S. resisters. “This is very good,” Zaslofsky told the press. “It will have an impact on all the other cases.” 

The matter will be heard by Federal Court Justice Sean Harrington on Feb. 7 in Toronto. According to attorney House, if his arguments are successful the court likely will refer the matter back to the board (to a different adjudicator or panel) for further consideration. Justice Harrington may also provide specific instructions on dealing with the contested issues, House said, principally the legality of the war in Iraq.

“The best possible outcome,” he said, “is that we get a full hearing in which all our arguments are considered.”

Both House and Zaslofsky are Vietnam-era war resisters who settled in Canada.

A new film on war resisters, “Let Them Stay,” will screen in Toronto on Dec. 10. The film, narrated by Shirley Douglas and produced and directed by Alex Lisman, features one-on-one interviews with U.S. war resisters, documenting their life-changing experiences in Iraq and the hidden realities of U.S. military recruitment and warfare. It also documents the War Resisters Support Campaign, a pan-Canadian coalition working with the war resisters to put pressure on the federal government to allow these former soldiers to remain in the country. 

A number of resisters, including Darrell Anderson, Patrick and Jill Hart, Hinzman, Brandon Hughey, and Ryan and Jen Johnson will attend the premiere.

For more information, contact the War Resisters Support Campaign by phone,: (416) 598-1222 or e-mail, <resisters@sym patico.ca>.

Faisal Kutty is a Toronto-based lawyer and writer whose articles are archived at <www.faisalkutty.com>. He can be reached at <wrmea@faisalkutty.com>.

SIDEBAR

Ode to a Canadian Friend of Palestine, Jim Graff (1937-2005)
James Graff, a professor of moral and political philosophy at the University of Toronto’s Victoria College for 40 years, died of cancer Oct. 23, 2005. Shortly before his death, he helped organize the Sabeel conference on morally responsible investment held in Toronto Oct. 26 to 29 (see report on p. 60 of this issue). Born in East Orange, NJ, he earned his B.A. at Lafayette College in Easton, PA, and his master’s and Ph.D. from Brown University. A longtime activist on behalf of the Palestinian cause, in 1984 he established the Near East Cultural and Education Foundation of Canada (NECEF), which, beginning in 1986, he represented for 10 years on the North American Coordinating Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine. Graff served as vice chair of that organization as well, which met at U.N. headquarters in New York, except for two meetings in Montreal and Toronto, Canada that he initiated. The author of Palestinian Children and Israeli State Violence, he was a prime mover of and inspiration to Canada’s peace and justice community. He is survived by his wife, Aida, daughter, Noha, son, Hani, and his brother.

October 24, 2005

Dear Friend,

It is with sorrow and sadness that I learn that you left us to claim your eternal resting place in the heavens, Jim. It is difficult to conceive of a solidarity movement and activism in Toronto without you. Indeed it is difficult to imagine Canada without Jim. Soon after I came to Canada and found my way through its web of activism and solidarity fury that came about in support of the Palestinian intifada of December 1987, I heard your name. I arrived in Canada a few days after the intifada began. In Toronto, an intifada of solidarity was brewing and you were at the core of it.

I saw you speak many times, read your articles and enjoyed a cigarette and a drink with you once or twice. It was not until 1991 at York University where you spoke about Palestine and I had the privilege of introducing you that I realized that you are no ordinary man. Ever since, I have been a great admirer of yours. It is difficult to exaggerate the tremendous impact that you had on me personally, but more importantly on the question of Palestine. Your seminal work, Palestinian Children and Israeli State Violence, was a ground-breaking chronicle of the impact on children of Israeli occupation and Israeli soldiers’ behaviors.

Whether in Toronto, doing your many things, or in New York attending the United Nations North American NGO conference on Palestine, or in Gaza or Ramallah visiting with friends and many projects you created and supported, you have been one of this country’s most faithful supporters of Palestine, justice and human rights.

For that we Palestinians are most fortunate-indeed, very lucky to have had you as one of our supporters.

Jim, we may have been less grateful than you truly deserve. We did not tell you enough how much we admired your undying love for justice and human rights. Often, some of us were disgraceful in their disagreements with you. But today all of us are in mourning. As many of us often joked, you, Jim, have been Toronto’s best Palestinian.

Your gentle passion and eloquent commitment to Palestine remarkably moved many of us in the Palestinian Arab community. We will miss your presence on countless planning committees for conferences, like the upcoming Sabeel conference on divestment. We will miss you bringing to Toronto and introducing stellar speakers like Noam Chomsky and your final guest on Oct. 3, David Barsamian. I am delighted that I had the chance to see you that evening and shake your hand. You did say you were not well. I only regret not knowing how ill you were. I probably would have told you, in addition to I love you, thank you.

Thank you for every meeting you attended on behalf of Palestine and for Palestinians, for every lecture you delivered, for each speaker you brought from Palestine and the world over and for hosting receptions for them at your house. Thank you for every intervention you made at the U.N. during the meetings of the coordinating committee of the North American NGO on Palestine. Thanks for every page you wrote. For every book you reviewed, every newsletter you edited, thank you. For every dollar you raised for Palestine, simply thank you.

I will miss many things about you for sure, Jim. But most of all I will miss your tender walk and your cane; I will miss your trademark shirts with many pockets. I will miss your spectacles and blond mustache.

Surely, Jim, there is much much more to you than your work on Palestine. Today, however, I want to claim you as ours and only ours.

Your family lost a beloved husband and father. Our thoughts and prayers are with them, especially with Aida. 

With your passing Palestine has lost a friend, a champion, a human giant and a passionate lover. I will remember you with a smile each time I am part of a planning committee for an event on Palestine. Jim, our next meeting on the “Made in Palestine” art project is in two weeks. You attended the first two, and I know you will be with us until the end.

Jim, Palestinians should-I hope we will-name a mountain after you in Palestine.

Rest in peace, my friend.

Jehad Aliweiwi

Board Member, Muslim Canadian Congress, Toronto
 
Committee on the Inalienable Rights 
of the Palestinian People 
292nd Meeting (AM) GA/PAL/1001
10 February 2006 
 

 General Assembly
GA/PAL/1001  

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Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York 

WITH ELECTION, PALESTINIANS UNDERLINED COMMITMENT TO BUILDING DEMOCRACY,
SAYS SECRETARY-GENERAL, AS PALESTINIAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE CONVENES
 

Describes Outcome as 'Watershed in Palestinian Political History',
Appeals for Urgent Support to Stabilize Palestinian Authority's Finances
 

Voting in large numbers two weeks ago, the Palestinian people had underlined their commitment to building democracy and achieving self-determination, Secretary-General Kofi Annan said this morning, in statement to the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian people. 

Describing the election outcome as a watershed in Palestinian political history, the Secretary-General noted that discussions had begun on forming a government.  As the Quartet and the Security Council had recently made clear, the international community would be watching very carefully to see how a new government would rise to the challenges of fulfilling the obligations and responsibilities that would fall upon it.  They included Palestinian-Israeli agreements starting with the Oslo accords and the Arab Summit resolutions and ending with the resolutions agreed upon by the international community, particularly the Road Map. 
 

Emphasizing that the Palestinian economy, security services and government institutions all needed continued support, as well as far-reaching reforms, he said the most urgent need was to stabilize the Palestinian Authority's finances, and appealed to donors for the required support at the present critical time.  In addition, Palestinian territory remained under occupation, settlement activity continued in certain areas and nearly 400 checkpoints restricted movement throughout the West Bank, despite a recent agreement to ease such restrictions.  Fluid communication between Gaza and the West Bank had yet to be established, and a barrier continued to be built, despite the ruling of the International Court of Justice. 
 

The Quartet was deeply concerned about those matters, and had reminded Israel that it must meet its obligations, he said.  At the same time, the clear majority of Palestinians did not wish to pursue violence or terrorism against Israeli citizens.  They understood and accepted that Israel, a Member State of the United Nations, had a right to exist as a State, alongside the State of Palestine, which Palestinians deserved and wanted to achieve.  They wanted the agreements and obligations that their elected representatives had already entered into, including the Road Map, to be implemented, not abandoned. 
 

Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations, said the elections marked the first time in an Arab country that a ruling party had lost an election and then peacefully transferred the cabinet to the winning party.  That was further evidence of the Palestinian people's commitment to democracy.  President Abbas had reiterated the Palestinian commitment to all the treaties and agreements signed by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Palestinian National Authority.  Moreover, he had reaffirmed the commitment of the Palestinian side to the Road Map and its intention to uphold its obligations. 
 

Meanwhile, the economic aid provided to the Palestinian people must not be halted or interrupted, he said, adding that the international community must not punish the Palestinians for exercising their democratic right to elect their representatives.  As such, the choice they had made deserved respect and support.  Hence, those who had made negative pronouncements about revoking financial assistance should re-evaluate and rescind those positions.  Any decision to stop aid would have a "tremendous negative impact" on the daily lives of the Palestinian people and compound their already dire humanitarian situation. 
 

He said that the tragic plight of the Palestinian people, living under occupation, should be transmitted to every household in order to create a more boisterous voice calling for an end to occupation once and for all.  In supporting the Secretary-General's personal role and as a Quartet member, everyone must think collectively on possible ways to bring a just solution to the conflict based on the Road Map and relevant United Nations resolutions.  The Observer Mission of Palestine stood ready to work with Committee members and observers, as well as the Secretary-General, to find way to achieve that. 
 

At the outset of today's meeting, the Committee elected Paul Badji, Permanent Representative of Senegal, as its Chairman; Ravan Farhadi (Afghanistan) and Rodrigo Malmierca Díaz (Cuba) as Vice-Chairmen; and Victor Camilleri (Malta) as Rapporteur. 
 

The Committee also heard the Chairman's report on the United Nations Latin American and Caribbean Meeting on the Question of Palestine, held in Caracas, Venezuela, on 13 and 14 December, and followed on 15 December by a Forum of Civil Society in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace. 
 

In other business, the Committee took note of the Chairman's report and approved its draft programme of work, regarding which he responded to delegates' concerns by assuring them that he had taken to heart the matter of United Nations management reform, which would eventually have an impact on the Committee.  Given its General Assembly mandate, the Committee should be more visible and proactive so that criticisms against it could be swept away.  The streamlining of the Committee had already begun and it no longer carried out its activities in a mechanical fashion. 
 

Speaking in his national capacity, Mr. Badji noted that the Committee remained just as relevant today as it had upon its establishment three decades ago, despite the fact that some appeared to wish for the its elimination, as well as that of other United Nations structures dealing with the question of Palestine. 
 

Other speakers today, included the representatives of Mali, Syria, Cuba, Afghanistan, Malaysia and Venezuela. 
 

The representative of the League of Arab States also spoke. 
 

Statements 
 

United Nations Secretary-General KOFI ANNAN said that the Palestinian vote two weeks ago in large numbers underlined the Palestinians' commitment to build their democracy and achieve self-determination.  The Palestinian Authority had ensured security on election day, showing that the insecurity of the recent past could be overcome.  And, the Palestinian Central Election Commission, with the support of the United Nations and the international community, did an excellent job of organizing the voting.  The Secretary-General congratulated President Abbas, the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people on that achievement.  He thanked the electoral observers from all over the world for their contributions, and he respected the decision of the Palestinian people. 
 

Calling the election outcome a "watershed in Palestinian political history", he noted that discussions had begun on forming a government.  That was a sensitive moment indeed.  President Abbas, speaking after the election, underlined the obligations and responsibilities that would fall on any new government, including, in his words, "Palestinian-Israeli agreements starting with the Oslo accords and the Arab Summit resolutions and ending with the resolutions that have been agreed upon by the international community, in particular the Road Map as the sole framework that is being posed now for implementation". 
 

The clear majority of the Palestinian people did not want to pursue violence or terrorism against Israeli citizens, the Secretary-General said.  They also understood and accepted that Israel, which was a Member State of the United Nations, had a right to exist as a State, alongside the State of Palestine, which Palestinians deserved and wanted to achieve.  They wanted the agreements and obligations that their elected representatives had already entered into, including the Road Map, to be carried forward and implemented, and not abandoned. 
 

He said that as the Quartet and the Security Council had recently made clear, the international community would be watching very carefully to see how a new government rose to those challenges. 
 

Meanwhile, the international community was fully aware of the plight of the Palestinian people, he said.  Their territory remained under occupation.  Settlement activity continued in certain areas.  Nearly 400 checkpoints restricted movement throughout the West Bank, despite a recent agreement to ease such restrictions.  Fluid communication between Gaza and the West Bank had yet to be established.  A barrier continued to be built on occupied Palestinian territory, despite the ruling of the International Court of Justice.  The Quartet was deeply concerned about those matters, and had reminded Israel that it must meet its obligations. 
 

The Palestinian people also faced serious humanitarian and development challenges, he said.  The economy, security services and government institutions all required continued support, as well as far-reaching reforms.  The most urgent need was to stabilize the Palestinian Authority's finances.  The Secretary-General appealed to donors from the region and the wider international community to provide the support that was required at the present critical time.  He stressed his personal commitment to help the Palestinian people achieve, by peaceful means, what was rightfully theirs:  a viable, contiguous, independent State of Palestine, living at peace with the State of Israel.  "Let everyone commit unequivocally to this goal, he said.  "And let us then work together to achieve it." 
 

Committee Chairman PAUL BADJI (Senegal), speaking in his national capacity, said that, for his country, promoting the rights of the Palestinian people did not mean working against the rights and interests of Israel, with which Senegal had diplomatic relations, as well as relations of respect and mutual trust.  The just-ended year of 2005 had coincided with the thirtieth anniversary of the Committee's establishment.  He recalled that on 10 November 1975 the General Assembly had decided to establish the body to promote the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, which it had defined as including the right to self-determination, independence, national sovereignty, as well as the right to return to their homes and properties, from which they had been displaced and uprooted.  Three decades later, the General Assembly could take stock of how much remained to be done in achieving those legitimate goals, which remained just as relevant today, despite the fact that some people appeared to wish for the elimination of the Committee, as well as other United Nations structures dealing with the issue of Palestine. 
 

RIYAD MANSOUR, Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations, said that, for the second time in the history of the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian people, living under Israeli occupation, went to the polls to vote on their new legislature.  Voter turnout had been an astonishing 77 per cent.  The international community, including the international observers monitoring the elections, had applauded the Palestinian people for conducting the elections in a free and fair manner, and demonstrating their commitment to democracy.  It had been a very proud day for the Palestinian people, not only because of the "festival of democracy" displayed, but also because it had been accomplished under Israel's military occupation.  Even more extraordinary had been that the elections had taken place at a time when the Palestinians were facing the severest imposition of restrictions, including to their freedom of movement.